
3.5.3 Forest
Estate Management
The current
systems of management described above are changing as a result of the
impasse with the concession system and the introduction of new systems after
the restructuring of the Forestry Administration as set out in the Forestry
Law. Our understanding of the new and emerging system of forest management
follows, which we have labelled “Forest Estate Management”.
This new
approach primarily, but not entirely affects commercial logging and provides
an alternative to the concession system. The arrangements for community
forestry, plantations and, of course, illegal and informal logging
activities remain as described in Section A above.
(a) Background
Since September
2003 and the finalisation of the Prakas on the reorganisation of the
Department of Forestry and Wildlife to a Forestry Administration, a new
model for forest management in Cambodia has been emerging.
Although we are
presenting Forest Estate Management as a new model, there is a sense in
which it is already the current model. The arrangements are clearly set out
in the Forestry Law; the concession system is still in operation although,
in practice, it is no longer functioning
The Forest
Estate Management model is an integral part and indistinguishable from the
new FA structure and remit, covers all aspects of the sector. In theory, it
could operate through the concession system, but in practice, the new
systems being develop include alternative approaches to concessions – it
should not therefore be considered as merely a replacement for the
concession system, as it represents a wider set of changes. As an approach,
it includes demarcating estate boundaries and regulating all activity within
the boundaries. The organisational changes are to enable the FA to fulfil
this remit.
(b) Features of Forest
Estate Management
The Forest
Estate Management can be considered as a response to the difficulties
encountered managing a public-private partnership and trying to regulate
this without having control over staff resources.
The main
organisational characteristics are as follows:
In practice,
under both systems, field operations are undertaken by sub-contractors.
Under the concession system, the relationship between the concessionaire and
the sub-contractor is that of a “next-in-line” supplier, with the
subcontractor supplying a purchaser who has incentives to maximise supply
and, therefore, no incentive to regulate or control the sources of supply.
Under the forest
estate management system, the same contractors will be involved. However,
the FA will organise coupes on a smaller scale and, therefore, create
conditions more suited to smaller contractors, and, secondly, auction the
coupes through a competitive bidding system. Such systems are not easy to
run, but they do create a point of disconnect at which a contract has to be
negotiated between the FA and contractor, and, therefore, the opportunity to
exclude those who break the rules.
(d) Advantages and disadvantages
The advantage of
the system now being advocated and adopted by the FA is that it allows the
State to move away from a concession system and to demonstrate its capacity
to control forest resource use. It increases linear and vertical
accountability but not accountability downwards to local people. It has
delegated planning but not decision-making closer to people by the
delegation to the division level of sectoral planning and management
planning within an overall cantonment framework. It will improve the
bureaucratic status of the organisation and clarify (on the ground) its
responsibilities for the forest resource and help to remove some of the
current ambiguities around this. With the shift of staff to the front-line
and the movement of the front-line down towards the commune in some cases,
it should also help to inform and clarify local peoples’ rights over forest
resources. It will increase the ability of the organisation to resist
unwanted external pressures and influences; and centralised control over
staff.
Revenue
collection should, in theory, be easier with clearer structures for
accountability and flows of revenue, although the system totally
internalises the processes with no mechanisms for checking probity.
The major
disadvantage of this system is that it sets up the Forestry Administration
as ‘estate managers’ or ‘landlords’ with complete control over the territory
that lies within their demarcated boundaries. This, in reality, creates a
new claim and/or replaces a private sector claim with a central state claim
– without cognizance of other customary claims, and is, therefore, subject
to the same conflict as before.
Furthermore, in
practice, given the areas involved and the limited resources available to
FA, it will be difficult to exercise that degree of control and will,
therefore, create an opportunity for others to exploit the area, without
sustainable management.
Finally, the
proposed new structure has a fundamental flaw in that there are no or few
checks and balances. In particular, there is no separation of functions so
that regulatory and planning functions are contained within the same
organisation and within the same unit within the organisation. Effectively,
this means that the proposer (or planner) is also the approver (or
regulator) of those plans and activities. The provision of regional
inspectorates does provide an opportunity to separate the regulatory roles
from the implementation by removing the inspectorates from the line of
command between the centre and the cantonments. However, this is not
currently proposed by the FA.
The structure is
at variance with the government position on decentralisation,
reinforcing centralised rather than decentralised structures. There are no
public accountability mechanisms suggested and no independent process
through which local people can seek redress against decisions made by the
Forest Administration that may have an adverse impact on them. The main
lines of accountability are vertical and internal to the organisation as is
consistent with a centralised structure that has deconcentrated and not
decentralised powers. There are no horizontal connections to provinces or
downward accountability to commune councils, communities or users, within
whose boundaries these forest resources occur.
The generalised
provision of a wide range of services at the triage level means that the
effectiveness of the FA as a whole is dependent on the quality of
performance of staff at this level and the support provided to their
development. There are significant problems of capacity development
recognised and identified by staff to be overcome. This will require funding
and on-going support to develop the necessary skills. In addition, the
triage effectively becomes an arena for competition between activities, with
the dangers that ‘commercial’ aspects of forest management to do with
operation of the annual coupes will drive staff work programmes rather than
the community forestry or other advisory work.
The extension of
the state forestry apparatus down to the commune itself can be seen both as
an advantage and disadvantage. Experience elsewhere indicates that the lower
the level of State operation the greater the opportunity for rent-seeking,
particularly when there are no public accountability mechanisms.
The changes
envisaged under this restructuring are profound. There is however, no budget
to support the depth of change required at all levels and to build the human
resource and organisational base of the FA. It is not clear that either
donors or national government will be prepared to provide the level of
finance required to fully implement and empower the FA.
Since the FA
structure has just been introduced after many years of internal debate which
resulted in the changes being seen as a requirement of Government and
others, it will be more difficult to challenge and change this structure in
any radical way.
(e) Gainers and losers
The major gainer
from the emerging Forest Estate Management system is the Forestry
Administration which has effectively set itself up to perform this function.
It provides the FA with a clear remit and control over the resources
required to regulate and manage the forest. It enables the FA to be held
accountable for activities in the forest sector.
The capacity for
staff to extract rents from the resource could also increase under this
structure as there is no external oversight or accountability mechanism.
This, together with the increased presence of staff on the ground, may
increase their individual opportunities for rent-seeking. However, the
changes are an essential first step towards regulatory control.
The forest
resource should come under more effective protection with the greater
outreach and visibility of staff at the triage level. However, this only
holds true as long as grassroots incentives to cut the forests are
controlled and the collusion between the powerful players stops.
In theory, there
should be greater contribution to the national economy through revenue flow
from the annual coupes and from benefit-sharing through community forestry.
The major losers
under this scenario are those business-people interested in forest
concessions and the large sub-contractors. In addition, the military will
have more limited opportunities for activities in those areas coming under
FA control. This will probably lead to a regrouping of the military and
their increased presence in the exploitation of protected areas, if there is
not a concurrent increase in their protection.
Local
livelihoods may also lose out under this new regime, as the opportunities
for ‘illegal’ exploitation are reduced because of the increased presence of
FA staff at the local-level and more effective enforcement. Under increased
support to community forestry there is a risk that the forest dependent
livelihoods of poorer people will be threatened. Community forestry is often
captured by the elites and this usually leads to complete exclusion of users
from a resource. This may also lead to increased pressure on those forests
that are not under commercial management (through the FA) or under community
forestry arrangements.
(f) Recommendations
Despite, the
rationale and logic of the new arrangements, the evolving structure and
processes of the FA seem counter to the policy commitments of government to
decentralisation, increasing the role of the public in decision-making, and
confirming rights to local resource management.
RECOMMENDATION
We recommend:
·
The
current structure of the FA is split to separate the regulatory functions
from the planning and management functions. We make specific suggestions for
this in Chapter 4.
·
Public accountability mechanisms are developed and implemented effectively
·
Forest planning is developed around a landscape approach. This could serve
both as a basis for building public accountability through representation
mechanisms for provinces, districts and communes, as well as other concerned
ministries. It could also act as the line of disconnect between (a) the
planning of the landscape and (b) the approval and monitoring of the
landscape plan and its implementation.
Further,
capacity needs to be developed and resources allocated for:
(a)
Preparation of strategic plans (National Forest Management Plan and
Cantonment Plans);
(b)
Independent verification mechanisms and log tracking arrangements;
(c)
Provision of extension support to Community Forestry, including
technical advice and social advice to build the voices of more marginal
groups.
Additional
financial and human resources will be required to develop an effective and
efficient Forestry Administration
(g) Options
Before going on
to consider a more radical decentralised arrangements for forest management,
we considered a number of other institutional arrangements that could be put
in place under the umbrella of Forest Estate Management. All of these depend
on the prior set of discussions around the broad policy choices for forest
management:
Option
A. Existing new structure harmonisation within MAFF.
This would
require upgrading FA to a General Directorate within MAFF to ensure that it
has a more effective voice within MAFF as part of the productive rural
sector. Under this option, the regional inspectorates could be moved outside
the line control of FA and become responsible for regulatory functions. The
inspectorates would have a separate line of command and a distinct and
separate mandate to inspect and regulate the performance of the FA and its
staff under the jurisdiction of MAFF.
Option B.
Attach the “triage level” to the Commune Councils or District level
This would
require the removal of staff and authority from the triage level of the FA
and the transfer to the Commune Council or another ministry to manage and
employ forestry staff. This would ensure the separation of functions between
regulation and planning/support.
Option C.
Downgrade the FA to a production management unit of MAFF
This is similar
to Option A and would mean that MAFF would become the strategic authority
responsible for monitoring the implementation of policy and the Forestry
Administration would become a unit responsible for implementation of policy
solely around production forests
Although these
options address the issue of the separation of regulatory and planning
functions, they do not alter the equally fundamental issues of establishing
“prior claims” and legitimising the current activities in the so-called grey
areas. As a result, in addition to these restructuring options, we return in
Chapter 4 to consider more fundamental institutional choices that can be
made.
The choice of
organisation structures depends on the earlier choice of how forests are to
be managed. In the next section, we consider a radical proposal, which
brings together much of the earlier analysis and would give communes a
direct say in the management of forests.